Active pixel sensor - Wikipedia. An active- pixel sensor (APS) is an image sensor consisting of an integrated circuit containing an array of pixel sensors, each pixel containing a photodetector and an active amplifier. There are many types of active pixel sensors including the complementary metal–oxide–semiconductor (CMOS) APS used most commonly in cell phone cameras, web cameras, most digital pocket cameras since 2. DSLRs). Such an image sensor is produced using CMOS technology (and is hence also known as a CMOS sensor), and has emerged as an alternative to charge- coupled device (CCD) image sensors. The term active pixel sensor is also used to refer to the individual pixel sensor itself, as opposed to the image sensor; [1] in that case the image sensor is sometimes called an active pixel sensor imager,[2] or active- pixel image sensor.[3]History[edit]The term active pixel sensor was coined in 1. Tsutomu Nakamura who worked on the Charge Modulation Device active pixel sensor at Olympus,[4] and more broadly defined by Eric Fossum in a 1. Image sensor elements with in- pixel amplifiers were described by Noble in 1. Welcome to Asset Store. Asset Store is home to thousands of assets that will accelerate your development in Unity. To get you started, we hand-picked 12 of the best. Chamberlain in 1. Weimer et al. in 1. The MOS passive- pixel sensor used just a simple switch in the pixel to read out the photodiode integrated charge.[9] Pixels were arrayed in a two- dimensional structure, with an access enable wire shared by pixels in the same row, and output wire shared by column. At the end of each column was an amplifier. Passive- pixel sensors suffered from many limitations, such as high noise, slow readout, and lack of scalability. The addition of an amplifier to each pixel addressed these problems, and resulted in the creation of the active- pixel sensor. Noble in 1. 96. 8 and Chamberlain in 1. MOS readout amplifiers per pixel, in essentially the modern three- transistor configuration. The CCD was invented in October 1. Bell Labs. Because the MOS process was so variable and MOS transistors had characteristics that changed over time (Vth instability), the CCD's charge- domain operation was more manufacturable and quickly eclipsed MOS passive and active pixel sensors. A low- resolution "mostly digital" N- channel MOSFET imager with intra- pixel amplification, for an optical mouse application, was demonstrated in 1. Another type of active pixel sensor is the hybrid infrared focal plane array (IRFPA) designed to operate at cryogenic temperatures in the infrared spectrum. The devices are two chips that are put together like a sandwich: one chip contains detector elements made in In. Ga. As or Hg. Cd. Te, and the other chip is typically made of silicon and is used to read out the photodetectors. The exact date of origin of these devices is classified, but by the mid- 1. Download free test patterns and cross-patform freeware for monitor calibration. Imaging Associates provide color management solutions to digital photographers and.Facebook is testing a snooze function that mutes a page for a certain period, rather than forever. This would be even more useful on Twitter, where usually lovely. By the late 1. 98. CMOS process was well established as a well controlled stable process and was the baseline process for almost all logic and microprocessors. There was a resurgence in the use of passive- pixel sensors for low- end imaging applications,[1. However, CCDs continued to have much lower temporal noise and fixed- pattern noise and were the dominant technology for consumer applications such as camcorders as well as for broadcast cameras, where they were displacing video camera tubes. Eric Fossum, et al., invented the image sensor that used intra- pixel charge transfer along with an in- pixel amplifier to achieve true correlated double sampling (CDS) and low temporal noise operation, and on- chip circuits for fixed- pattern noise reduction, and published the first extensive article[5] predicting the emergence of APS imagers as the commercial successor of CCDs. Between 1. 99. 3 and 1. Jet Propulsion Laboratory developed a number of prototype devices, which validated the key features of the technology. Though primitive, these devices demonstrated good image performance with high readout speed and low power consumption. In 1. 99. 5, personnel from JPL founded Photobit Corp., who continued to develop and commercialize APS technology for a number of applications, such as web cams, high speed and motion capture cameras, digital radiography, endoscopy (pill) cameras, DSLRs and camera- phones. Many other small image sensor companies also sprang to life shortly thereafter due to the accessibility of the CMOS process and all quickly adopted the active pixel sensor approach. Most recent, the CMOS sensor technology has spread to medium- format photography with Phase One being the first to launch a medium format digital back with a Sony- built CMOS sensor. Comparison to CCDs[edit]APS pixels solve the speed and scalability issues of the passive- pixel sensor. They generally consume less power than CCDs, have less image lag, and require less specialized manufacturing facilities. Unlike CCDs, APS sensors can combine the image sensor function and image processing functions within the same integrated circuit. APS sensors have found markets in many consumer applications, especially camera phones. They have also been used in other fields including digital radiography, military ultra high speed image acquisition, security cameras, and optical mice. Manufacturers include Aptina Imaging (independent spinout from Micron Technology, who purchased Photobit in 2. Canon, Samsung, STMicroelectronics, Toshiba, Omni. Vision Technologies, Sony, and Foveon, among others. CMOS- type APS sensors are typically suited to applications in which packaging, power management, and on- chip processing are important. CMOS type sensors are widely used, from high- end digital photography down to mobile- phone cameras. Advantages of CMOS compared with CCD[edit]A big advantage of a CMOS sensor is that it is typically less expensive than a CCD sensor. A CMOS sensor also typically has better control of blooming (that is, of bleeding of photo- charge from an over- exposed pixel into other nearby pixels). Disadvantages of CMOS compared with CCD[edit]. Distortion caused by a rolling shutter. Since a CMOS sensor typically captures a row at a time within approximately 1/6. For example, when tracking a car moving at high speed, the car will not be distorted but the background will appear to be tilted. A frame- transfer CCD sensor or "global shutter" CMOS sensor does not have this problem, instead captures the entire image at once into a frame store. The active circuitry in CMOS pixels takes some area on the surface which is not light- sensitive, reducing the quantum efficiency of the device. Back- illuminated sensors can mitigate this problem. Architecture[edit]. A three- transistor active pixel sensor. The standard CMOS APS pixel today consists of a photodetector (a pinnedphotodiode[1. T cell.[1. 4] The pinned photodiode was originally used in interline transfer CCDs due to its low dark current and good blue response, and when coupled with the transfer gate, allows complete charge transfer from the pinned photodiode to the floating diffusion (which is further connected to the gate of the read- out transistor) eliminating lag. The use of intrapixel charge transfer can offer lower noise by enabling the use of correlated double sampling (CDS). The Noble 3. T pixel is still sometimes used since the fabrication requirements are less complex. The 3. T pixel comprises the same elements as the 4. T pixel except the transfer gate and the photodiode. The reset transistor, Mrst, acts as a switch to reset the floating diffusion to VRST, which in this case is represented as the gate of the Msf transistor. When the reset transistor is turned on, the photodiode is effectively connected to the power supply, VRST, clearing all integrated charge. Since the reset transistor is n- type, the pixel operates in soft reset. The read- out transistor, Msf, acts as a buffer (specifically, a source follower), an amplifier which allows the pixel voltage to be observed without removing the accumulated charge. Its power supply, VDD, is typically tied to the power supply of the reset transistor VRST. The select transistor, Msel, allows a single row of the pixel array to be read by the read- out electronics. Other innovations of the pixels such as 5. T and 6. T pixels also exist. By adding extra transistors, functions such as global shutter, as opposed to the more common rolling shutter, are possible. In order to increase the pixel densities, shared- row, four- ways and eight- ways shared read out, and other architectures can be employed. A variant of the 3. T active pixel is the Foveon X3 sensor invented by Dick Merrill. Verizon Says It Was Totally Just Testing How to Throttle Video. After rumors spread on Reddit that Verizon Wireless customers were unable to achieve feeds of faster than 1. Mbps while connected to Netflix, the company confirmed to Ars Technica this week it was conducting “network testing over the past few days to optimize the performance of video applications on our network.”While both Ars Technica and The Verge were able to confirm Verizon Wireless seemed to be capping Netflix speeds at somewhere between 5. Mbps and 1. 0Mbps, the apparent throttling would not necessarily affect most users. On mobile, Netflix should have functioned fine for most users other than those streaming high quality video over a tethered connection. Some users reported similar throttling of You. Tube video, though again at a 1. Mbps rate which allowed high quality streaming. Just a few months ago, Verizon claimed its new unlimited data plan wouldn’t throttle video — at least until users hit 2. GB of data. For its part, the company told Ars Technica the video throttling was “across the board” and affected its own video streaming services, not just third- party services. However, with FCC Chairman Ajit Pai seemingly dead- set on strangling net neutrality to death, Verizon might soon get an opportunity to test many new and exciting forms of data throttling on its customers.[Ars Technica].
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South Asian migrant workers in construction in Qatar risk serious exploitation and abuse, sometimes amounting to forced labor.[3]Sharia law[edit]Sharia law is the main source of Qatari legislation according to Qatar's constitution.[1][2] Sharia law is applied to laws pertaining to family law, inheritance, and several criminal acts (including adultery, robbery and murder). In some cases in Sharia- based family courts, a female's testimony is worth half a man's and in some cases a female witness is not accepted at all.[4] Codified family law was introduced in 2. In practice, Qatar's legal system is a mixture of civil law and Islamic law.[5][6]Flogging is used in Qatar as a punishment for alcohol consumption or illicit sexual relations.[7] Article 8. Qatar's criminal code declares the punishment for adultery is 1. Adultery is punishable by death when a Muslim woman and a non- Muslim man are involved.[8] In 2. Filipino woman was sentenced to 1. In 2. 01. 0, at least 1. 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Stoning is a legal punishment in Qatar, although it has never been used.[1. Apostasy is a crime punishable by the death penalty in Qatar.[1. Blasphemy is punishable by up to seven years in prison and proselytizing any religion other than Islam can be punished by up to 1. Homosexuality is a crime punishable in sharia by the death penalty for Muslims, though in Qatar the penalty for consenting males is up to 5 years in prison.[1. Alcohol consumption is partially legal in Qatar; some five- star luxury hotels are allowed to sell alcohol to their non- Muslim customers.[1. Muslims are not allowed to consume alcohol in Qatar, and Muslims caught consuming alcohol are liable to flogging or deportation. Non- Muslim expatriates can obtain a permit to purchase alcohol for personal consumption. 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Female tourists are advised not to wear leggings, miniskirts, sleeveless dresses and short or tight clothing in public. Men are advised against wearing only shorts and singlets.[2. As of 2. 01. 4, certain provisions of the Qatari Criminal Code allows punishments such as flogging and stoning to be imposed as criminal sanctions. The UN Committee Against Torture found that these practices constituted a breach of the obligations imposed by the UN Convention Against Torture.[2. Qatar retains the death penalty, mainly for threats against national security. Forced labour[edit]According to the US State Department, expatriate workers from nations throughout Asia and parts of Africa are routinely subjected to forced labor and, in some instances, prostitution.[2. Most of these people voluntarily migrate to Qatar as low- skilled laborers or domestic servants, but are subsequently subjected to conditions indicative of involuntary servitude. Some of the more common labor rights violations include beatings, withholding of payment, charging workers for benefits which are nominally the responsibility of the amir, severe restrictions on freedom of movement (such as the confiscation of passports, travel documents, or exit permits), arbitrary detention, threats of legal action, and sexual assault.[2. Many migrant workers arriving for work in Qatar have paid exorbitant fees to recruiters in their home countries – a practice that makes workers highly vulnerable to forced labor once in Qatar.[2. Like other Persian Gulf nations, Qatar has sponsorship laws, which have been widely criticized as "modern- day slavery."[2. Under the provisions of Qatar's sponsorship law, sponsors have the unilateral power to cancel workers' residency permits, deny workers' ability to change employers, report a worker as "absconded" to police authorities, and deny permission to leave the country.[2. As a result, sponsors may restrict workers' movements and workers may be afraid to report abuses or claim their rights, which contribute to their forced labor situation.[2. Domestic servants are particularly vulnerable to trafficking since they are isolated inside homes and are not covered under the provisions of the labor law.[2. Qatar is also a destination for women who migrate for legitimate purposes and subsequently become involved in prostitution, but the extent to which these women are subjected to forced prostitution is unknown.[2. Some of these victims may be runaway domestic workers who have fallen prey to forced prostitution by individuals who exploit their illegal status.[2. The Government states that it is doing a good job with regards to human rights[2. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) was established in 2. In a bid to combat Human trafficking, Sheikha Mozah bint Nasser Al- Missned established the Qatar Foundation on Combating Human Trafficking (QFCHT). To promote more awareness in this area, the Ritz- Carlton Doha, created the World's largest Cake for the QFCHT Sculpture.[3. Qatari contracting agency Barwa is building a residential area for laborers known as Barwa Al Baraha (also called Workers City). The project was launched after a recent scandal in Dubai's Labor camps, and aims to provide a reasonable standard of living as defined by the new Human Rights Legislation.[3. The overall cost of the project is estimated at around $1. Industrial area of Doha. Along with 4. 2. 5 square metres of living space per person, the residential project will provide recreational areas and services for laborers. Phase one of the project is set to be completed at the end of 2. Qatar Airways, the country's national airline, has long been criticized for its treatment of its lower level employees including flight attendants. Abuses include firing employees without apparent reason, low wages, overworking hours. Employees have also been reported to be unlawfully detained by the airline without charge. Deportations by the airline of its employees to their home countries without reason has also been reported.[3. FIFA World Cup preparations and reported abuses[edit]The construction boom in Qatar began well in advance of Qatar winning the hosting rights to the 2. FIFA World Cup. When the Emir Sheikh Hamad Al Thani took control of the country from his father in 1. Qatar up to foreign investment and began the construction of the world’s biggest LNG terminals in Ras Laffan with the granting of concessions to Exxon. Mobil, Royal Dutch Shell and Total S. A. Over 1. 00,0. 00 workers were brought into the country to build Ras Laffan, and an estimated 1 million (of the country’s total population of 2 million) workers are currently living in Qatar helping to build the country. In 1. 99. 5, when Sheikh Hamad took control, the total migrant population was around 3. In 2. 01. 3 Amnesty International published reports showing that unpaid migrant workers were left to go hungry. According to the report, workers are being "treated like cattle."[3. The Strange Power of Qatar | by Hugh Eakin. Bruno Barbey/Magnum Photos Doha, Qatar, with the ‘dallah,’ or coffee pot, monument in the foreground, 2. On August 2. 3, Libyan rebels raised their flag over Bab al- Aziziya, the once- impregnable complex housing Muammar Qaddafi’s headquarters in Tripoli. Though the dictator himself still remained at large, the overrunning of one of the nerve centers of his regime had enormous symbolic power and seemed to offer definitive proof of the rebels’ strength. And yet on several newscasts, a different story about the uprising was emerging: along with the rebels’ tricolor with white crescent and star, the presidential compound at Bab al- Aziziya was briefly shown flying the maroon and white flag of Qatar, the tiny, gas- rich Arabian emirate more than two thousand miles away. Though little noted in the West, Qatar’s enthusiasm for the Libyan revolt had been on display from the outset. The emirate was instrumental in securing the support of the Arab League for the NATO intervention back in March, contributing its own military aircraft to the mission. It also gave $4. 00 million to the rebels, helped them market Libyan oil out of Benghazi, and set up a TV station for them in Doha, the Qatari capital. Following the conquest of Bab al- Aziziya, however, it became clear that the Qataris were deeply involved on the ground as well. Not only did Qatar arm the rebels and set up training camps for them in Benghazi and in the Nafusa Mountains west of Tripoli; its own special forces—a hitherto unknown contingent—helped lead the August offensive on the capital. Although Qatar’s military is one of the smallest in the Middle East, with just over 1. French and other Western countries and appear to possess considerable skill.) The day the rebels captured Bab al- Aziziya, Mahmoud Jibril, the leader of Libya’s interim government, singled out Qatar for its far- reaching support, despite “all the doubts and threats.”In fact, the battle for Libya is only one of several Arab uprisings this year in which Qatar has played a provocative part. In Tunisia and Egypt, no Internet and broadcast medium did more to spread the cause of popular protest than Al Jazeera, Qatar’s government- backed satellite television news network. In early April, the Qatari prime minister publicly called for the resignation of embattled Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh—a statement that departed from the more conciliatory position of other Gulf nations and led Saleh to charge that Qatar “has conspired against Yemen.”In May, the Qatari government hosted the Doha Forum, an annual, Davos- like conference about democracy and free trade that featured an opening session about the “revolutions” that have “rocked the Arab world.” And in July, despite Qatar’s good relations with the Assad regime before the Syrian uprising began, it became the first Gulf nation to close its embassy in Damascus. Nor is 2. 01. 1 the first time Qatar has been accused of stirring up trouble against entrenched regimes in the Middle East. As long ago as 2. Arab League had formally protested unfavorable coverage on Al Jazeera, and no fewer than six—Jordan, Saudia Arabia, Kuwait, Tunisia, Libya, and Morocco—had at some point withdrawn their ambassadors to Doha. In the past, many Arab leaders didn’t even want to talk to me,” the Qatari emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al- Thani, told the Financial Times in an interview last year. At the same time, Qatar has been something of a gadfly in Middle East diplomacy, styling itself (not always successfully) as a third- party broker everywhere from Israel and Lebanon to Darfur and Afghanistan. Since the autumn of 2. Qatar has helped stage a series of meetings between Western officials and representatives of the Taliban—leading to speculation that the Taliban might open an office in Doha. In mid- June, Wiki. Leaks released a US State Department cable showing the extent to which Qatar’s tentacular involvement in regional politics had managed to irritate Mubarak’s Egypt, with a native population some three hundred times larger: Egypt is determined to thwart every single initiative Qatar proposes during its current term as president of the Arab League, to include proposals that are in Egypt’s national interest…. The Egyptian DCM [Deputy Chief of Mission] said Qatar’s involvement in Sudan, Palestine, and Al Jazeera’s vitriolic broadcasts against Egypt were the main causes of Egyptian leaders’ ire, to include that of President Mubarak. Challenged to list actions Qatar had taken in Sudan against Egypt’s interest, Naguib readily conceded there were none. Qatar’s offense, he said, stemmed from the mere act of its mediation in Egypt’s back yard. There is little about Qatar to suggest it as a hotbed of political agitation. Occupying a thumb- shaped peninsula in the Persian Gulf, it is a country the size of Connecticut, wedged between two of the largest and most reactionary powers in the region: Saudi Arabia, which abuts it, and Iran, with which it shares its economic lifeline, the largest natural gas field in the world. Like most of its near neighbors, Qatar is a hereditary monarchy; it has been ruled by the same family since the nineteenth century. The inaugural speech of the democracy conference was given by Qatar’s heir apparent, His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al- Thani.) There is no independent legislature and political parties are forbidden; civil society groups outside the state are virtually nonexistent. Qatar is also the only country other than Saudi Arabia to be dominated by the conservative Wahhabi branch of Sunni Islam, and its legal system is based in part on Sharia law. Owing to the country’s acute demand for labor, moreover, more than 8. Qatar—and 9. 0 percent of the labor force—are foreign workers with no political rights. The native population is 2. In view of its extraordinary economic situation, it is difficult to see why the Qatari leadership would want to upset the political status quo. With the third- largest gas reserves of any country, it is now the leading exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG). Over the last decade, rapidly growing demand for LNG has turned Qatar into the richest country in the world as measured by GDP per capita, which the CIA estimates at $1. Allowing the emirate to develop at breakneck speed, this vast resource has also permitted it to offer its citizens an enviable standard of living without having to bother with the encumbrances of deliberative democracy. When I visited Doha this summer, there was much talk about the revelation that 2. Qataris—more than a tenth of the native population—are now millionaires. Indeed, Qatar appears to have a decidedly different approach toward popular revolt in its own neighborhood. When Iranian security forces were condemned internationally for attacking protesters after the disputed 2. Qatari prime minister asserted that it was an “internal matter” and that “we must respect the right of each state to solve its own problems.” In March, as Bahrain began its violent repression of protesters in Manama’s Pearl Square, Qatar supported the controversial military intervention led by Saudi Arabia to prop up the regime. At the same time, although Qatar contains the principal overseas headquarters of the US military’s Central Command (CENTCOM) and was a key staging ground for the invasion of Iraq, it has also given support to Hamas and other militant groups. After a visit in 2. Senator John Kerry complained, “Qatar can’t continue to be an American ally on Monday that sends money to Hamas on Tuesday.” But the ties continue: in late April, reports surfaced that Hamas’s political leadership was exploring a relocation from Damascus to Doha; and in August, the Israeli press revealed that Israel’s foreign ministry was taking steps to limit Qatar’s influence in Palestinian areas because of its support for Hamas and “anti- Israel” groups abroad. For decades, Qatar has been the home in exile for the prominent Egyptian Sunni cleric Sheikh Yusuf al- Qaradawi, who has deep connections to the Muslim Brotherhood. Although his strident views on Israel have drawn controversy in the West, he is considered a moderate Islamist by many Arabs, and an Al Jazeera talk show on which he often appears, Sharia and Life, is watched widely across the Middle East. Sheikh Qaradawi’s support for the revolts in North Africa and the Levant has spread the message of popular uprising to his tens of millions of devout followers. |
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November 2017
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